Discussion/Interview

The killing of the three pastors, if anything, has suggested that the violence in Manipur has slowly transitioned into becoming a permanent feature of a state that has now institutionalised violence and disorder.
Post Independent, UPSC became another democratic tool to transfer power from elite to subaltern section.
Tamil Nadu is not new to the tussle between Governor and elected government.
The cockroach no longer represented filth; it represented endurance. It became a commentary on survival within systems perceived as indifferent to ordinary aspirations.
Across large sections of the electorate, there was a palpable sense of hopelessness toward the political establishment - a feeling that dissent had little room to breathe, and that the system itself had grown indifferent to ordinary grievances.
Conviction rate for rape offences involving Dalit women was just 29.8 per cent, and pendency rate in courts was alarming at 93.3 per cent in 2024. The overall conviction rate for crimes against the Scheduled Caste is also low, around 33 percent, with a 95 percent pendency rate in the courts.
Mudaliar’s early life was marked by hardship, responsibility, and perseverance.
There is a popular saying in Bengal – chup chap kamal chaap – silently vote for the BJP. That is precisely what happened in 2021 and later in 2026.
The narratives emerging from Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam often appear to frame Dalit concerns within an administrative paradigm rather than recognising them as manifestations of systemic political inequality.
The BJP did not create the alienation of Dalit-Bahujan communities in Bengal; it exploited an alienation produced by decades of neglect.
The spectacular rise of C. Joseph Vijay and his party, Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK), has disrupted the decades-old political order and opened up a new conversation, particularly among Dalits, youth, and marginalized communities.
Many right groups are arguing that internal reservation is bad for them.
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