The sanitation workers’ strike in Haryana has been going on for more than one month since August 6, although the government’s efforts to resolve the deadlock have so far shown no success. The visibility of piles of garbage across towns and cities has become a stark reminder of the pandemic. To understand this strike, it is important to explain its trajectory.

On April 8, 2026, the Haryana Fire (Agnishamak) Department Employees Union went on a statewide strike. Their major demands were to grant “martyr” status, provide ₹50 lakh in compensation, and give government jobs to the families of two firefighters, Bhavichand Sharma and Ranveer Singh, who died in a chemical explosion in Faridabad. They also demanded the regularization of all payroll firemen and drivers against sanctioned posts in the department.

Later, to strengthen these demands, sanitation workers also joined the strike under the Nagar Palika Karmachari Sangh, Haryana. The sanitation workers emphasized the regularization of contractual sanitation workers and the abolition of the contractor system. They also demanded benefits similar to those provided to permanent employees, including medical reimbursement, ex-gratia assistance, and gratuity. They demanded a minimum wage of ₹30,000 for Safai and Sewer Men employees, ₹20 lakh in financial assistance in the event of the death of a sanitation employee during duty hours, and accident insurance of ₹50 lakh each for all sanitation workers and Sewer Men.

Therefore, when sanitation workers joined the strike, it put considerable pressure on the Haryana government. On May 13, the government accepted 17 of the 22 demands of the Nagar Palika Karmachari Sangh. One of the major demands, the regularization of contractual workers in municipalities, was also accepted, and the sanitation workers returned to work on May 14, 2026.

However, the government was given until June 30, 2026, to implement the policies agreed upon during the settlement. When the government failed to implement the agreed policies, sanitation workers’ unions again began protesting on July 1 and 2, 2026.

Later, from July 7 to July 22, the unions conducted district-level meetings to mobilize workers and put pressure on the state government to implement the agreed demands. Initially, the unions announced a proposed three-day strike from August 6 to 8, 2026. However, as the government failed to provide a satisfactory response, the strike was subsequently extended and has continued from August 6, to the present.

Meanwhile, a meeting was held between the sanitation workers and the state government on July 29, at Haryana Niwas, Chandigarh. The meeting was attended by Cabinet Ministers Krishan Bedi and Vipul Goyal, the Minister for Urban Local Bodies.

Krishan Bedi has faced pressure from both sides-the government and the sanitation workers, because he also belongs to the Valmiki community, and a large proportion of sanitation workers belong to the Valmiki community. The government has pushed Bedi to resolve the strike, while sanitation workers have also pressured him to convince the government to accept their demands.

That is why Krishan Bedi faced backlash. On the night of August 25, at around 12 midnight, women sanitation workers in Hisar were taken into custody. However, the custody of women at midnight raises questions under Section 43(5) of the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS), which provides that a woman should not ordinarily be arrested after sunset and before sunrise, except in exceptional circumstances and with prior permission of a First-Class Magistrate. It also raises serious concerns regarding the right to life and dignity under Article 21 of the Constitution of India.

Later, on August 29, sanitation workers in Kurukshetra took out a funeral procession carrying an effigy of Cabinet Minister Krishan Bedi and subsequently set it on fire. Earlier, on August 22, talks between Krishan Bedi and the sanitation workers in Kurukshetra had also ended without any resolution, particularly over the demand for the regularization of contractual workers.

Similarly, the Haryana Safai Karamchari Commission has faced backlash from sanitation workers because it was established to secure the rights of sanitation workers, but, according to the workers, it has been missing at this crucial time.

Later, on September 4–5, protesting employees intensified their agitation by shaving their heads, sending a message to the government in response to what they termed “intimidation” and attempts to force workers back through punitive measures rather than resolving their demands.

However, the state government’s September 5 return-to-work order has had no visible impact so far, as sanitation workers have remained off duty. Around 13,000 protesting sanitation workers have made it clear that they will not end the strike until their demands are accepted.

At the same time, the government has also shown a positive response and decided to bring 13,093 municipal-roll sanitation workers in urban local bodies under the Haryana Contractual Employees (Security of Service) Act, 2024. This decision provides job security up to the age of 60, a ₹2,000 monthly risk allowance, a 15% increase in remuneration, dearness allowance, gratuity, maternity leave, and other benefits. For workers with more than 10 years of service, the monthly remuneration will be ₹25,560.

However, this announcement is not enough to dismantle the structural exploitation of sanitation workers. They continue to face exploitation through the contractor system and low wages. At the same time, another aspect of the movement also needs to be analysed: the sanitation workers are raising demands for permanent recruitment to posts such as peons, masons, gardeners, clerks, drivers, tubewell helpers, electricians, JEs, watchmen, bill distributors, tippers, auto drivers, sanitation workers, sanitation inspectors, assistant sanitation inspectors, chief sanitary inspectors, sanitation health officers, assistant commissioners, and chief sanitation and health officers. However, these employees are not properly involved in the strike.

Similarly, the unions have incorporated several demands concerning workers employed through Haryana Kaushal Rozgar Nigam (HKRN). These workers include school teachers, computer operators, and other categories of contractual workers whose work is not directly related to sanitation or sweeping. Their inclusion has significantly expanded the strike into a social movement, with the number of HKRN workers reportedly reaching more than one lakh. They are also not properly involved in the strike and doing their work continue.

The 2026 sanitation workers’ strike in Haryana represents more than a conventional sanitation workers’ protest. It has gradually developed into a broader labour movement involving sanitation workers, firemen, and other contractual workers employed through different government arrangements.

Now it seems that this strike has become a class conflict between the government and labourers, but sanitation workers should be aware of the caste hierarchy of Indian society, as caste is not the division of labour; it is the division of the labourer. They should analyse their demands and significantly emphasise their own demands, which are directly aligned with sweepers, and the government will take them more seriously and will try to address issues of regularisation, employment security, implementation of agreements, and working conditions. This is not to say that sanitation workers should not raise their voices for other workers, but they can support their strike and movement instead of fighting for them. Because caste is first identity of sanitation workers instead of class.

- Dr. Krishan Kumar is a political sociologist and scholar of caste politics in Haryana. He is the author of Reading Caste in India: Prejudice and Discrimination.