— ✍️Nidhi Jarwal

The NCRB data in its Crime in India 2024 report indicates an overall drop in crime against Scheduled Castes; the situation of Dalit women is quite contrasting. The aggregate crime statistics have dropped by about 3.6 per cent, but this minor decline cannot hide the increase in crimes against SC women that is ongoing and growing stronger. If the decline in total crimes against SCs needs investigation, so does the rise in sexual and gender-based violence against Dalit women.

Violence against Dalit women cannot be explained or seen through the lens of just “crime against women.” Dalit women endure oppression at the intersection of caste, gender, and socio-economic disadvantage. Patriarchy is not the only factor that influences their lives, but also caste oppression, social marginalization, economic dependence, and institutional discrimination. Sexual abuse of Dalit women is frequently used as a means of humiliation, punishment, control, and assertion of caste power.

In 2024, a total of 4,262 rape cases were registered against the SC women in India. Of these, 2,683 cases were of women (above 18 years) and 1,579 cases were of girls (under 18 years). It shows that over a third of these reported cases were of children, which is an alarming reflection of the situation of Dalit girls in society. This translates to almost 12 reported rape cases of Dalit women or girls per day in 2024.

What is even more disturbing is its increase when compared with the previous years. The National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights (NCDHR) in its five-year analysis report has reported that the number of rape cases against Dalit women increased from 2369 in 2019 to 2835 in 2023, a 19.7% increase over the five years. There is a significant rise of nearly 50.3 percent in sexual violence cases against SC women from 2,835 in the year 2023 to 4,262 in the year 2024, which shows that the crimes against Dalit women are not reducing but intensifying. Also in the same year, 525 incidents of sexual harassment against SC women highlight the ongoing daily risk for Dalit women beyond the extreme form of sexual violence. If the crimes against Dalits are decreasing, why are crimes against Dalit women rising? The data demands us to ask: whose safety is actually improving?

The state-wise numbers also create a picture of the regional prevalence of caste and gender violence. In 2024, the highest number of rape cases reported against SC women were in Maharashtra (583), followed by Rajasthan (577) and Uttar Pradesh (575). In 2023, Uttar Pradesh was at the top of the list with 660 rape cases of Dalit women. The decline in numbers in UP could be seen as progress, but a more detailed look would be needed to determine if this is because of fewer incidents, a change in reporting, or in administration or policing.

Importantly, Dalit women are not only subjected to rape but are also subjected to other forms of violence. According to NCRB data, 298 cases of ‘kidnapping or abduction or inducement of Dalit girls to compel for marriage’ were reported in 2024. These were mainly in Uttar Pradesh (159 cases) and Bihar (68 cases). Such statistics are a reflection of the continued influence of caste and patriarchy over the mobility, sexuality, and autonomy of Dalit girls through coercion and violence.

Other types of gender-based violence are also important to look at. Madhya Pradesh recorded 10 of the 24 cases of voyeurism against members of the SC community in the country and 47 (the highest) out of the 193 cases of stalking in the country.  The NCRB data also showed that there were 11 cases of Dalit girls being subjected to the practice of procuration. The figures show that the insecurity of Dalit women is not confined to the extreme level of violence, but also occurs on a day-to-day basis through surveillance, harassment, intimidation, and fear.

The criminal justice system also responds inadequately to Dalits. The NCRB data for 2024 revealed that a total of 5,320 rape cases (against Dalit women) were investigated by the police, including 1,050 cases from the previous years. But a mere 3,683 cases were charge-sheeted. This indicates significant delays and gaps in investigation and prosecution.

The circumstances in court are even more awful. In 2024, a total of 24,305 rape cases involving SC women were pending for trial, including cases pending from the previous year. Of these, 479 cases were convicted, and 1,087 were acquitted. Notably, 451 out of the convictions were in older pending cases, showing the slow pace of judicial processes and the delayed delivery of justice.

Conviction rate for rape offences involving Dalit women was just 29.8 per cent, and pendency rate in courts was alarming at 93.3 per cent in 2024. The overall conviction rate for crimes against the Scheduled Caste is also low, around 33 percent, with a 95 percent pendency rate in the courts.

The figures here indicate that violence is not resolved once an FIR is filed. Survivors may find themselves in years of uncertainty and suffering from social pressure, intimidation, and trauma as a result of low conviction rates, delayed investigations, and extended trials. The condition itself tells that access to justice is unequal.

Thus, the NCRB data is shocking, reflecting an apparent paradox. Although the state might point to an overall marginal increase in crime against the SCs, the fact that crimes against Dalit women for sexual purposes continue to rise shows that relying on simple statistics is not sufficient to understand social reality. Any notion of social progress is woefully inadequate when thousands of Dalit women and children are sexually assaulted, coerced, stalked, abducted, and left in limbo by institutions each year.

It is not an urgent question whether the crimes against the Scheduled Castes have reduced over the years. The question is, what is the reason that Dalit women remain the most vulnerable group in the country despite the promises of constitutional guarantees, legal protection, and promises of justice?

- Nidhi Jarwal works with the National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights (NCDHR) and writes on caste, democracy, and political representation.