India's Caste Census: Why It’s Key for Equality for the World’s Largest Population

New Delhi – In a landmark decision, the Union Cabinet, chaired by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, announced on April 30, 2025, that caste enumeration will be included in the upcoming national census.  

This move marks the first official caste census in India since 1931, signaling a significant shift in the government’s approach to addressing caste-based socio-economic disparities. The announcement, made by Union Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw, has sparked widespread reactions, with political leaders, activists, and citizens debating its implications for social justice, policy-making, and India’s social fabric.

In October 2023 it was Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar's government - when he was still allied with Tejashwi Yadav's RJD and the Congress - that pushed through a caste survey.The state unit of the BJP, then in the opposition, had voiced cautious support for the exercise, keenly aware that criticising or dismissing it could lead to push back from voters.

Rahul Gandhi and other opposition leaders have demanded a clear timeline for the census’s completion, citing past delays in implementing decisions like the women’s reservation law. The government has not specified when the census will begin or conclude.

What is a Caste Census?

A caste census involves the systematic collection of data on the population of various castes and sub-castes across the country, alongside their socio-economic indicators, such as education levels, income, employment, and access to welfare schemes. Unlike the decennial census, which since 1951 has only enumerated Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs), a caste census will provide detailed insights into the demographic and economic status of all castes, including Other Backward Classes (OBCs) and general categories.

The last comprehensive caste census was conducted under British rule in 1931, identifying 4,147 castes and estimating OBCs at 52% of the then 271 million population. Post-independence, the Indian government discontinued caste enumeration in the national census, except for SCs and STs, citing concerns over social polarization and administrative challenges. However, the Socio-Economic and Caste Census (SECC) of 2011, conducted by the Ministry of Rural Development and the Ministry of Housing & Urban Poverty Alleviation, collected caste data, though it was never fully released or utilized for policy-making.

The Announcement: A Policy U-Turn

The decision to include caste enumeration in the 2026 census, approved by the Cabinet Committee on Political Affairs (CCPA), comes after years of resistance from the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led government. Union Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw emphasized that the census will be conducted transparently under the Office of the Registrar General and Census Commissioner, governed by the Census Act, 1948, to ensure credibility and avoid the “unscientific” surveys conducted by some opposition-ruled states like Bihar, Telangana, and Karnataka.

Vaishnaw criticized opposition parties, particularly the Congress and its Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (INDIA) bloc, for politicizing caste surveys. Union Home Minister Amit Shah echoed this sentiment, stating, “The Congress and its allies opposed the caste census for decades while in power and played politics over it while in the opposition. This decision will empower all economically and socially backward classes, promote inclusion, and pave new paths for the progress of the deprived.”

The announcement follows mounting political pressure and public demand, particularly ahead of state elections in Bihar, where caste dynamics play a pivotal role. The delay of the 2021 census due to the COVID-19 pandemic had further intensified calls for updated caste data to address inequalities.

Who Had Been Demanding It?

The demand for a caste census has been a long-standing issue, championed by various political parties, social activists, and marginalized communities. Key proponents include:

• Congress and INDIA Bloc: Congress leader Rahul Gandhi has been a vocal advocate, making the caste census a centerpiece of the party’s social justice agenda since 2022. During his Bharat Jodo Yatra, Gandhi promised a nationwide caste census if Congress came to power, framing it as a tool to assess the participation of OBCs, Dalits, Adivasis, and other marginalized groups in education, employment, and institutions. Congress leaders like Jairam Ramesh and Pawan Khera hailed the government’s decision as a victory for their persistent advocacy, with Ramesh stating, “Better late than never.”

• Regional Parties: Leaders like Lalu Prasad Yadav of the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) and the late Mulayam Singh Yadav have historically pushed for caste-based enumeration. Yadav recalled disrupting Parliament in the 1990s to demand a caste census, a demand partially met with the 2011 SECC. Other parties, such as the Janata Dal (United) and Lok Janshakti Party, have also supported the cause, with Union Minister Chirag Paswan calling the decision “huge and historical.”

• State Governments: Opposition-ruled states like Bihar (2022), Telangana (2024), and Karnataka have conducted their own caste surveys after the central government rejected their demands for a national exercise. These surveys aimed to design targeted welfare policies but faced criticism from the BJP for being politically motivated.

• Social Activists and Organizations: Groups like the All India People’s Front (AIPF) have demanded a time-bound caste census with additional columns for economic, educational, and job representation data to ensure equitable policy formulation.

Benefits of a Caste Census

The inclusion of caste data in the 2026 census is expected to have far-reaching implications for policy-making and social justice. Experts and advocates highlight the following benefits:

1. Targeted Welfare Policies: A caste census will provide granular data on the socio-economic status of different caste groups, enabling the government to identify marginalized communities and design inclusive development strategies. For instance, it can reveal disparities in access to education, healthcare, and employment, allowing for precise interventions.

2. Revisiting Reservation Policies: The data could inform debates on reservation quotas, including demands to lift the 50% cap on reservations for SCs, STs, and OBCs. Opposition leaders argue that accurate caste data will curb arbitrary demands and ensure fair representation in public employment and education.

3. Addressing Intersectional Disparities: As Poonam Muttreja, executive director of the Population Foundation of India, noted, “A caste census is critical to uncover intersectional disparities and to design policies and programs that are truly equitable and inclusive.” This is particularly relevant for communities facing overlapping disadvantages based on caste, region, and economic status.

4. Enhancing Transparency: Unlike state-led surveys, a national census under the Census Act is expected to provide standardized, credible data, reducing political manipulation and ensuring accountability.

5. Empowering Marginalized Groups: By quantifying the representation of castes in institutions and the economy, the census could empower economically and socially backward classes, fostering greater inclusion.

Sarna Code

The demand for a separate Sarna code in the census’s religion category has gained traction among tribal communities, particularly in Jharkhand and Odisha. The Sarna Dharma, followed by Santhal, Oraon, and other tribes, is distinct from Hinduism, Christianity, or other recognized religions.

The All India People’s Front has explicitly called for columns on economic, educational, and job representation for all castes, which could include Adivasi sub-categories if implemented. However, no official confirmation has been provided on whether the 2026 census will include a dedicated Adivasi column.

The AIPF has urged the government to include Sarna Dharma in the census’s religion list and restore the “other religion” category to accommodate such identities. While the BJP-led Jharkhand government has supported the Sarna code in the past, the central government has not yet clarified its stance for the 2026 census.

Key Points

In 1931, there were 4,147 castes; by 2011, this number had risen to 46 lakh (4.6 million).

In the year 1901, when a caste-based census was conducted, 1,646 castes were identified. In the caste census of 1931, a total of 4,147 castes were recorded. This figure also formed the basis of the Mandal Commission’s report in 1980. By the time the 2011 census was conducted, the number of castes had surged to 46 lakh (4.6 million). However, the caste data from the 2011 census has not been made public, though the central government submitted an affidavit in the Supreme Court approximately three years ago, disclosing this information.

• The decision by the Cabinet Committee on Political Affairs (CCPA) to include caste details reflects a significant policy shift. Prior to this, the last caste-based census was conducted in 1931.

• Union Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw stated that only the central government can officially conduct a census, dismissing the credibility of state-level surveys conducted for political purposes.

• Ashwini Vaishnaw criticized the Congress and the INDIA alliance, alleging that they used caste surveys for political gain without transparency or legal mandate.

• Post-independence censuses (1951–2011) included details of Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) but did not undertake a comprehensive caste census.

• The last complete caste-based census was conducted in 1931. Although caste data was collected in 1941, it was never published due to the Second World War.

• In the absence of a proper caste census, only estimates (such as the Mandal Commission’s 52% figure for OBCs) are used, which are employed for policy formulation and electoral strategies.

• The UPA government initiated the Socio-Economic and Caste Census (SECC), but only socio-economic details were released; caste data was not disclosed.

• BJP leaders like Pankaja Munde, along with various opposition parties including Congress, have supported a caste census, but implementation has been stalled due to political complexities.

• Previous attempts have faced numerous challenges. Issues such as multiple caste names, overlapping categories, and the ambiguous status of inter-caste and migrant individuals pose difficulties for accurate data collection.

• Different states have varying OBC categories, some of which include sub-categories like Extremely Backward Classes. These discrepancies have complicated past efforts to compile unified caste data.