Gen Z Protests: What’s the Connection Between Brahmins and Casteism in Nepal's Uprising? Here's What Legal Experts Say

New Delhi- As Nepal grapples with the aftermath of its explosive protests, marked by the resignation of Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli on September 9, at least 30 deaths, and widespread arson targeting government buildings like Parliament and Singha Durbar, questions are swirling about deeper societal fault lines. What began as outrage over a government ban on 26 social media platforms (including Facebook, Instagram, WhatsApp, and TikTok) on September 4 quickly escalated into a youth-led revolt against corruption, nepotism, and elite privilege.

Gen Z protesters, facing 20.8% youth unemployment and a economy heavily reliant on remittances (one-third of GDP), vented fury at "nepo kids" politicians' offspring flaunting luxury lifestyles on social media while ordinary Nepalis struggled. But amid the chaos, a contentious narrative has emerged: is this unrest also a rebellion against entrenched Brahminism and caste hierarchies?

Legal experts, including Advocate Balraj Singh Malik and human rights activist Karthik Navayan, argue yes, pointing to how upper-caste dominance in Nepal's institutions has long fueled inequality, making caste a silent but potent undercurrent in the violence.

Nepal's caste system, rooted in the Hindu Chaturvarna model imported from India centuries ago, divides society into Brahmins (priests and scholars), Chhetris (warriors and rulers), Vaishyas (merchants), and Shudras (laborers), with Dalits (formerly "untouchables") at the bottom. Though officially abolished in 1963, it persists as a "respectable" form of discrimination, with Brahmins (Bahuns, about 12% of the population) and Chhetris (16.6%), collectively known as Khas Arya- dominating 70-80% of top positions in government, bureaucracy, military, judiciary, and media.

This overrepresentation, a legacy of the Rana regime (1846-1951) and pre-2008 monarchy, has sidelined Dalits (13%), Janajatis (indigenous groups, 37%), Madhesis (Terai dwellers, 15%), and other marginalized communities, despite affirmative action policies since 2007.

Advocate Malik emphatically stated in the recent episode of "The Janata Live" that Brahmins constitute about 12% of Nepal's total population, but their dominance in power and administration is far greater. From Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli to all constitutional positions, Brahmins held sway. Together, Brahmins and Kshatriyas (Khas Arya) make up about 28% of the total population, yet these two classes have monopolized the country's resources and power.

According to Malik, the events in Nepal are not merely a rebellion against one government, but a public outrage against centuries-old "Manuism and casteism." He said, "In countries where so-called Hinduism exists, it is actually the mentality of Manuism and casteism that has sunk the ship. This is not limited to Brahmins alone; it is a conspiracy that has taken root in every religion."

Malik further stated that to sustain this system, an "unscientific and unrealistic" narrative is relied upon, which convinces people that their condition is the result of their past karma, so they quietly endure the oppression.

He described the youth movement in Nepal as a positive step. He believes that the younger generation is idealistic and wants to break free from the shackles of caste, religion, and language to live in harmony with the entire world. He also raised questions about Nepal's courts, stating that if the judiciary had protected constitutional rights and not allowed the dictatorship of power to prevail, the situation would not have deteriorated so much.

In the context of India, he expressed concern that people here are also being silenced through schemes like "510 kg ration," so they cannot speak on real issues. He labeled the ongoing restrictions on freedom of expression in India, the shutting down of social media, and attempts to stop protests as "dictatorship" and "repressive policies."

Warning, he said that if India's power and judiciary continue to behave like in Nepal, slogans like "Judge Thief, Leave the Throne" and "Justice Thieves, Leave the Throne" could echo here as well. According to him, the country's youth generation is demanding to vacate "symbols of monarchy" like the Lutyens Zone, and if reforms are not made in time, the public could snatch them away.

On the other hand, Advocate Kartik Nawayan analyzed the connection between Nepal's unrest and caste with solid evidence. He states that a major reason behind the widespread youth-led protests in Nepal has been the historical and current concentration of power based on caste. Facts show that Brahmins (often called Bahun in Nepal) and closely associated Chhetris have historically and currently maintained dominance over Nepal's state apparatus. This dominance has fueled systemic corruption and nepotism, which has fueled widespread youth outrage.

Nawayan says, "In Nepal's population, Brahmins account for about 12.2% and Chhetris 16.6%, meaning the total share of these hill upper-caste groups is approximately 28-30%. Despite this, their hold on top positions in government, bureaucracy, army, and judiciary is 70-80%."

Civil service recruitment data confirms this over-representation: In the fiscal year 2017-18, among those recruited into government jobs, Brahmins made up 33.3% and Chhetris 20%. In 2018-19, Brahmins' share in the Public Service Commission's recommendations was 38.9%, and together Brahmins and Chhetris accounted for 55% of new entrants into civil service.

Brahmins are also dominant in politics, media, and other public spheres. This pattern persists despite the affirmative action policies initiated in 2007 to promote inclusion for marginalized groups such as Dalits, Janajatis, Madhesis, and indigenous communities. This dominance stems from historical factors, including the legacy of the Rana regime and monarchy (before 2008), where power was concentrated among these castes. This has created entrenched networks that favor their own in appointments and promotions.

The concentration of power among the Brahmin-Chhetri elite has promoted nepotism, where positions and resources are allocated based on family and caste connections rather than merit, thereby increasing corruption.

In Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index, Nepal ranks 107th out of 180 countries. Examples such as the embezzlement of 71 million dollars in the Pokhara International Airport project have come to light. Public outrage is centered on "nepo kids", the children of politicians, bureaucrats, and judges (who are predominantly from these castes), who flaunt luxurious lifestyles on social media with Louis Vuitton items or Mercedes cars, while ordinary Nepalis face poverty and poor public services.

Protesters have labeled it "Brahminism with a political mask," directly linking caste privileges to institutional corruption and economic exclusion.

According to Kartik Nawayan, "This systemic inequality has created deep despair among Nepal's youth, who face about 20% unemployment and rely on foreign employment and remittances (which account for one-third of GDP) due to limited opportunities at home.

The protests began in response to the government's social media platform restrictions imposed on September 8, which were seen as an attempt to suppress anti-corruption criticism, and quickly escalated into a broader rebellion against corruption, nepotism, and political stagnation.

Although not all coverage explicitly centers caste, some analyses have described this movement as a "revolt against Brahmin dominance," where caste discrimination has exacerbated economic grievances and the exclusion of lower castes and ethnic groups.

Key events include protesters occupying government buildings, clashes with police (resulting in at least 19 deaths and hundreds injured), and the resignation of Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli. The restrictions were lifted within a few days, but the anger over accountability persisted, tied to broader demands to end caste-based privileges.

According to journalist Pratima Mishra, "This is not just about corruption or censorship. It is a revolt against Brahmin dominance."