Prashant Kishor Torches Bihar's Liquor Ban as 'Vote Bank Trap'– Pledges Merit Over Caste in Jan Suraaj's Election Blitz | The Mooknayak Exclusive

New Delhi- In a riveting conversation that could reshape Bihar's political landscape ahead of the 2025 assembly elections, political strategist-turned-activist Prashant Kishor laid bare his ambitious blueprint for the Jan Suraaj Party. Speaking exclusively to The Mooknayak Editor-in-Chief Meena Kotwal, Kishor dismissed comparisons to the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), vowed to contest all 243 seats, and slammed the state's liquor ban as a "fake law" that disproportionately jails the poor. The interview, conducted amid rising election fervor, touched on caste dynamics, education woes, reservations, and a direct ideological showdown with the BJP-led NDA.

Kishor, the architect behind several high-profile election campaigns, positioned Jan Suraaj not as a mere party but as a "people's movement" aimed at breaking Bihar's decades-old bipolar politics dominated by the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD)-JD(U) alliance and the BJP-NDA. "For the last 30-35 years, Bihar has been trapped in a two-pole system where people vote out of fear, not hope," Kishor asserted. He described voters as "political bonded laborers," casting ballots against one side's "jungle raj" rather than for positive change. With 50-60% of Biharis reportedly disillusioned with Lalu Prasad Yadav, Nitish Kumar, and the BJP, Jan Suraaj emerges as a beacon for those craving an "honest, empowered alternative."

A New Dawn or Echo of AAP? Kishor Draws Sharp Distinctions

Meena Kotwal kicked off the discussion by drawing parallels between Jan Suraaj and Delhi's AAP, which rose as a fresh option in 2013. Kishor was quick to rebut: "There's no similarity. AAP emerged from an anti-corruption movement; Jan Suraaj isn't born from protests. Movements are sharp weapons to oust the powerful, they can't build systems."

He emphasized that Jan Suraaj rejects top-down fixes like AAP's Jan Lokpal Bill, which promised to eradicate corruption overnight. Instead, Kishor stressed personal and societal responsibility: "Even if 100 Prashant Kishors come, nothing changes until you reform yourselves. Be vigilant about your rights, your children's education and jobs, and vote accordingly." This bottom-up philosophy, he argued, makes Jan Suraaj a "completely different experiment," one rooted in Bihar's ground realities rather than Delhi-style activism.

The party's launch on October 2, 2022- Gandhi Jayanti, marking two years since Kishor's padayatra began, underscored its ideological anchors. Posters featuring Mahatma Gandhi and Dr. B.R. Ambedkar aren't mere vote-grabbers, Kishor clarified. "These aren't just faces; they're symbols of ideologies opposing BJP's politics." He outlined a grand coalition: Gandhians, Ambedkarites, socialists inspired by Ram Manohar Lohia and Jayaprakash Narayan, and communists, collectively representing nearly 50% of Hindu voters who shunned the BJP in recent polls.

"This alliance of Hindus, Muslims, Christians, and Sikhs isn't fear-based; it's ideological warfare against BJP's worldview," Kishor said. With the BJP securing only 35-40% votes despite an 80% Hindu base, he sees untapped potential in uniting these "non-BJP Hindus" with minorities for a transformative social-political front.

Liquor Ban: A 'Corrupt Sham' Targeting the Marginalized

One of the interview's most explosive moments came when Kotwal revisited Kishor's pledge to repeal Bihar's controversial liquor ban within "one hour" of forming a government. Critics, including Gandhi admirers, accused him of betraying the Mahatma's anti-alcohol stance. Kishor fired back: "Those who truly understand Gandhi would never say this. He opposed alcohol consumption through social efforts, not state coercion. Show me one line where Gandhi advocated for a government law imposing prohibition."

He painted the 2016 ban as a farce: Shops closed, but "home delivery thrives, with alcohol sold door-to-door." Bihar loses ₹15,000-20,000 crore annually to black market corruption, funneled to "dishonest leaders and officers." Worse, it victimizes the vulnerable: Over 1 lakh people languish in jails, mostly from backward, Dalit, and poor communities. "Big shots drink unchecked at home; it's the poor getting harassed," Kishor lamented, calling it a tool to exploit women, the very group it claimed to protect.

Kotwal pressed on women's reactions during Kishor's padayatra, where fears of lifted bans could spike domestic violence. Kishor countered: "Women tell me the ban hasn't stopped violence, men drink anyway, often sourced from police or politicians." He challenged BJP's hypocrisy: "If prohibition is so beneficial, why not impose it nationwide? Your central government controls most states, do it for all women, not just Bihar's poor as an election gimmick."

For migrant workers, 60% of Bihar's families relying on outstation labor, the ban is irrelevant. "They're drinking in Maharashtra, Gujarat, Tamil Nadu. This law fools Biharis into thinking it'll save money and end abuse. It's a vote-bank trap."

Caste Politics: Beyond Stereotypes, Rooted in Merit and Equity

Bihar's caste fault lines dominated the discourse, with Kotwal questioning if Jan Suraaj would peddle "caste-based politics" like rivals. Kishor rejected the notion that Bihar is uniquely caste-ridden: "Why single out Bihar? Maharashtra has Maratha-Kunbi clashes, Andhra has Reddy-Kamma rivalries, Gujarat has Patidar-Kshatriya tensions. Caste is a social reality everywhere, it seeps into politics."

He debunked the myth of universal caste voting: "Modi got 35% in 2015, but he's not even from Bihar. Muslims vote Lalu out of BJP fear, not Yadav loyalty." Jan Suraaj's approach? Merit first, demographics second. "We won't chant slogans like 'population-based shares.' Participation follows ability. From 243 capable candidates, distribution mirrors population: 18% Muslims get 40-42 seats, 30-35% Extremely Backward Classes (EBCs) get 70."

This merit-caste balance counters "merit" as a cover for upper-caste dominance. "Every caste has talent. Why do media editors skew toward one group? Because Dalit/EBC kids aren't educated enough to compete." Kishor decried Rahul Gandhi's "50% reservation cap" rhetoric as empty: "It's not about quotas; it's education. Only 3% Dalit kids pass Class 12 per the caste census. No job hires without qualifications, fix the roots."

Education Crisis: The Real Battle for Bihar's Future

The conversation pivoted to education, Bihar's Achilles' heel. Kotwal shared on-ground reports: Dalit children from Dom or Musahar communities chased from schools, seated separately, or scolded away. Kishor acknowledged discrimination but urged against overgeneralization: "Education is collapsed for everyone, upper castes send kids to private schools because they can afford it. Government systems fail all."

He cited anecdotes: "I'll show you hundreds of villages where Kushwaha, Brahmin, or EBC kids complain of no teaching. It's systemic rot, not targeted hate." Jitan Ram Manjhi's Dalit chief ministership proves acceptance, he noted, but stressed: "Discrimination exists; we fight it. But blaming schools alone ignores nomadic groups like Doms (0.5% of SCs) living on fringes."

Jan Suraaj's priority? Overhaul education. Short-term: Government vouchers for poor kids' private schooling until public systems improve (5-10 years). Long-term: Universal access. "Ambedkar started with education. Reservations are fruits on a tree, you must climb to reach them. Politicians have had quotas for 78 years; what change? Because kids aren't learning."

Kishor slammed leaders like Tejashwi Yadav for modeling anti-education attitudes: " We believe that formal education has no connection with intellect and there had been many strong administrators and leaders who didnot have formal education, however, that depends on circumstances, situations where there had been shortfalls of resources. Looking at Tejashwi whose both parents were Chief Ministers, his case is different."

"Ninth-fail despite elite schooling shows disdain for learning. If the chief minister's son skips studies, how do we inspire the masses?" He challenged Tejashwi: "Take Class 10 or graduate now, prove education matters." This extends to PM Modi: "Announcing trains for Bihari migrants to Gujarat factories? We need rails for students to colleges, or exporting veggies, not our youth as laborers. British ships did the same."

On the recent Kashmir attack, Kishor condemned the "heinous" terrorism but questioned the NDA's "victory" claims: "Roots of terror persist despite boasts. Be vigilant, or innocents die." He accused Modi of electioneering: "Strict action? Say it from Delhi, why detour to Bihar, canceling Kanpur events? It's vote-mongering."

Jan Suraaj eyes a direct NDA clash, not RJD. "Our fight is ideological," Kishor concluded, urging Biharis to embrace choice over fear.

As Bihar gears up for polls, Kishor's words resonate: Jan Suraaj isn't just a party, it's a reckoning. Will it shatter the duopoly? Only voters decide. Watch the full interview on Mooknayak for unfiltered insights.