How INLD is Leading the Charge for Deprived Scheduled Castes Empowerment in Haryana

Ironically, despite the growing demand for proportionate representation, both major political alliances — the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) and the Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (INDIA) — have largely overlooked the DSCs in their candidate selections for Haryana's reserved parliamentary seats in the 2024 general election.
How INLD is Leading the Charge for Deprived Scheduled Castes Empowerment in Haryana
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New Delhi- August 1, 2024, marked a pivotal moment in the ongoing discourse on caste-based reservation. The Supreme Court's Constitution Bench delivered a landmark verdict, allowing states to sub-classify Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) to ensure that the benefits of quotas are more equitably distributed, particularly among the more marginalized subgroups. Notably, the verdict also upheld the exclusion of the creamy layer from receiving SC/ST benefits.

This decision has fueled a discussion on Dalit assertion, especially in Haryana, where the Scheduled Castes Commission has since submitted a detailed report. According to the report, Haryana's "Other Scheduled Castes" (OSC) population stands at 3,064,686, with the major castes including Chamar, Jatiya Chamar, Rahgar, Raigar, Ramdasi, Ravidasi, Balahi, and Mochi.

On the other hand, the "Deprived Scheduled Castes" (DSC) population is slightly higher at 3,374,264, comprising 36 castes. Among these, the key castes are Valmiki (Bhangi), Dhanak, Bazigar, Mazhabi-Sikh, Pasi, Meghwal, Khatik, and Sansi.

At the micro-level, certain DSC castes have populations of less than a thousand, such as Dagi, Darain, Sanhal, and Sansoi, highlighting their extreme marginalization.

In Haryana's Class I officer cadre, the disparity is stark: of the 928 Class I officers, 635 come from the OSC category, while only a small fraction belong to the DSC. Moreover, among the 17 most marginalized DSC castes, including Sarera, Sansoi, Godola, and Deha, there are no Class I officers at all.

This glaring gap in caste representation raises serious questions about the efficacy of affirmative action policies. Ironically, despite the growing demand for proportionate representation, both major political alliances — the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) and the Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (INDIA) — have largely overlooked the DSCs in their candidate selections for Haryana's reserved parliamentary seats in the 2024 general election.

Both alliances fielded candidates from the dominant Chamar caste: BJP's Banto Kataria and Congress’s Varun Chaudhary for Ambala, and BJP’s Dr. Ashok Tanwar and Congress’s Kumari Selja for Sirsa.

In contrast, the Indian National Lok Dal (INLD), a prominent regional party, has demonstrated a serious commitment to DSC empowerment. INLD selected candidates from the Balmiki caste, the largest subgroup within the DSCs: Gurpreet Singh for Ambala and Sandeep Lot Valmiki for Sirsa. This move highlights the party's focus on addressing the needs of the most deprived castes in Haryana.

INLD's commitment to social justice and equality is further reflected in the words of its national president, Om Parkash Chautala. In a July 2023 interview with The Sunday Guardian, Chautala emphasized his deep connection to the underprivileged, stating, “I traveled to over 152 nations, but I always flew economy class, demonstrating my solidarity with the Dalits and marginalized.”

As the political landscape continues to evolve, INLD's approach to caste representation sets it apart, especially in the broader context of Dalit empowerment in Haryana.

- Dr Krishan Kumar is a scholar of Dalits and Marginalised Studies and Social Inclusive Policies.

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