India
Jharkhand: Intensifying Demand of Kudmi-Mahato Community for ST Inclusion Surges Ahead of 2024 Election
A survey conducted in the villages reveals the unanimous opposition of the entire Adivasi community toward the Kudmis' demands.
The escalating clamor from the Kudmi-Mahato community for inclusion in the Scheduled Tribes (ST) list in anticipation of the 2024 election has been marked by profound ramifications. In early April, a protracted five-day protest staged by the Kudmi-Mahato community in the districts of Jharkhand adjacent to Odisha and Bengal led to substantial material damages amounting to crores. Reportedly, the demonstrators blocked highway, resulting in the cancellation of 435 trains, thereby incurring losses exceeding 1,700 crores.
This demonstration represents the second instance of large-scale unrest within a span of six months, as the Kudmi-Mahato community previously disrupted train services and obstructed a highway to voice similar demands in September. It remains uncertain whether these protests will not resurface in the future. A prominent leader within the community has issued a stern warning that if their demands remain unmet by September of this year, further demonstrations shall ensue. Conversely, the Adivasis have taken to the streets to voice their opposition to the Kudmis' demands.
The Kudmis have long been demanding their inclusion in the ST category. They assert that until 1950, they were indeed classified as such. According to their claims, their largest populations reside in Jharkhand, Bengal, and Odisha, numbering 72 lakhs, 30 lakhs, and 25 lakhs, respectively.
Presently, they are classified as an Other Backward Caste (OBC). The community has dispatched a written appeal to the Prime Minister, urging their elevation to ST status under Article 342 of the constitution.
As per a report published in The Outlook, the genesis of the Kudmis' demand can be traced back to historical factors. Kunal Shahdeo, a researcher from IIT Bombay, elucidates that prior to the 1921 census, the Kudmi Mahato community was officially recognized as animists and tribals. However, they were subsequently disassociated from this categorization in 1931. Owing to World War II, no census was conducted in 1941. When the constitution came into effect in 1950, the Kudmi-Mahatos were omitted from the ST classification. They were subsequently designated as OBCs.
The Kudmi-Mahatos have intensified their agitation following the central government's decision in September 2022 to incorporate numerous Scheduled Castes from five states into the ST category.
Former Member of Parliament, Shailendra Mahato, who represented the East Singhbhum constituency in 1989, has emerged as a pivotal figure in this movement. In an interview with Outlook, he expressed his resentment, highlighting that in 2004, when Arjun Munda served as the Chief Minister, he had concurred with their demand and recommended their inclusion in the STs to the central government.
Paradoxically, Arjun Munda presently holds the position of Minister of Tribal Affairs in the central government but has failed to act upon his own recommendation. Shailendra Mahato warned that if their demands remain unfulfilled by September 2023, a nationwide movement will once again be instigated.
The community's demand traces back to 1972, with the Patna High Court issuing three favorable judgments in their favor in 1924, 1939, and 1963, all acknowledging the Kudmi-Mahatos as a tribe.
Conversely, another former Member of Parliament and leader of the Adivasi Sengel Abhiyan, Salkhan Murmu, has consistently voiced opposition to the Kudmis' demands. Adivasi community called for a Bengal bandh on May 22 to express their dissent and issued a stern warning, emphasizing the high stakes involved. Murmu asserted that if the Kudmi-Mahatos are granted ST status, it would deal a lethal blow to the genuine STs and could potentially transform Jharkhand into another Manipur. Murmu further argued that the Kudmis would exert domination over elections, employment opportunities, education, and even encroach upon their lands once they acquire ST classification.
He postulated that in the future, Kudmis from Bihar and Uttar Pradesh might flock to Jharkhand, exploiting their newfound ST status.
Murmu contends that the Kudmis have filed a writ in the High Court, thereby undermining the interests of the STs. Additionally, Chandra Prakash Chaudhary, a Member of Parliament from the AJSU Party (All Jharkhand Students Union), has filed a case in the Supreme Court demanding OBC reservations in Jharkhand's local body elections. However, they simultaneously aspire to be included in the STs. Murmu maintains that the Kudmis' agitation solely revolves around their desire to reap the benefits of reservations. A survey conducted in the villages reveals the unanimous opposition of the entire Adivasi community toward the Kudmis' demands.
Despite the opposition, the demands of the Kudmi-Mahato community to be included in the ST category have garnered endorsement from the governments of Jharkhand, Odisha, and West Bengal.
Manipur state in India has a population of around 3.5 million people. The three largest communities in Manipur are the Meiteis, Nagas, and Kukis. The Meiteis, who are mostly Hindus, are the largest community in terms of population. The Nagas and Kukis are classified as Scheduled Tribes and mostly follow Christianity.
The Meiteis have been demanding Scheduled Tribe (ST) status, claiming that they were classified as tribals before Manipur merged with the Union of India in 1949. However, the Nagas and Kukis have opposed this demand, stating that the Meiteis do not meet the criteria to be considered as Scheduled Tribes. They argue that the Meiteis already have reservations and benefits under the Other Backward Class (OBC) and Scheduled Caste (SC) categories.The opponents of the Meiteis' demand believe that granting them ST status would reduce job opportunities and benefits for the other tribes in the state.
The recent outbreak of violence resulting from ethnic clashes on May 3 has left the state in a state of turmoil, and the process of returning to normalcy has been challenging. The impact of the clashes and the subsequent aftermath has been widely acknowledged, and efforts are underway to restore peace, rebuild trust, and address the underlying issues that led to the unrest.
According to political scientists , the demand for Scheduled Tribe (ST) status by various communities across Indian states stems from their desire to gain official recognition and access to the rights, benefits, and reservations provided to tribal communities. "These communities often have distinct cultural, social, and economic backgrounds, and they believe that obtaining ST status would help preserve their unique identity, address historical injustices, and secure opportunities for development, education, employment, and representation in decision-making processes. The demand is driven by the aspiration for socio-economic upliftment, equal opportunities, and the desire to safeguard their cultural heritage and traditional way of life" says Santosh Jain, a govt school lecturer of Political Science.
In a report titled 'ST status demands in India', researcher Sanjoy Akoijam states , that what these communities are demanding is not the “backward” tag, but the many perks and rights in the field of education, job opportunities, land and cultural protection, etc. that are doled out to such communities by the Indian Government.
Sikkim: In Sikkim, eleven Nepali-speaking communities, including Gurung, Mangar, Rai, Sunwar, Mukhia, Majhi, Jogi, Thami, Yakha, Bahun, Chettri, and Newar, have been seeking tribal status. The Gorkhas of the Darjeeling hills in neighboring West Bengal have also been demanding ST status for eleven communities in their region. The Sikkimese are seeking tribal status based on Article 371F of the Constitution, which provides special status to the Himalayan state that merged with India in 1975.
Maharashtra: In Maharashtra, the Dhangar community traditionally practices shepherding as their occupation. They are currently classified as a "Vimukta Jati" or Nomadic Tribe (NT) in Maharashtra and fall under the OBC category at the central level. However, the Dhangar community is demanding reservation under the ST category. They argue that the NT category is not recognized at the central level, and they have been deprived of reservation benefits in central government services. The community demands that the government correct a clerical mistake by changing "Dhangad" to "Dhangar" in the ST category list.
Tamil Nadu: In Tamil Nadu, the Narrikurovar community is a semi-nomadic tribe that migrated from northern India to the region about five centuries ago. They traditionally worked as hunters but became nomadic and retreated into forests due to territorial invasions. The Tamil Nadu government currently classifies them as a Most Backward Class (MBC) community, leading to misconceptions about their population. The Narrikurovars have been struggling with high illiteracy rates, health challenges, and unemployment. They have been attempting to gain ST status over the last three decades, as being classified as MBCs leads to competition for government benefits with larger communities of higher socio-economic status and political influence.
Jammu and Himachal Pradesh: There have been recent reports of demands for ST status by certain communities in Jammu (in the Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir) and Himachal Pradesh, along with opposition from existing ST communities in the regions. The varying situations and ways of life of the communities seeking ST status highlight the ill-defined and ambiguous nature of the concept of "tribe" in modern-day India.
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