Lack of Parliamentary Representation for Deprived Scheduled Castes in Haryana: An Analysis

Indian democracy provides chances to all socio-economic categories to send their representatives to the Lok Sabha, as we have an indirect democracy. But it is unbelievable that in Haryana, Deprived Scheduled Castes (DSC), which form a significant portion of the Scheduled Caste population (with SCs overall around 20% of the state's population), have not had representation in Parliament in recent elections. This shows the reality of inequality among Dalits.

In March 2026, the contest for two Rajya Sabha seats from Haryana has become politically interesting for two main reasons. First, there are only two seats to be filled, and they are expected to be divided between the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Indian National Congress (INC). Second, the nominations reveal important caste equations, particularly from a Dalit perspective.

The BJP has nominated Sanjay Bhatia, while the Congress has nominated Karamvir Singh Baudh, an Ambedkarite activist and a Buddhist. Meanwhile, Satish Nandal has also filed his nomination as an independent candidate. These nominations raise two key questions about caste representation and political strategy in Haryana.

Haryana’s population is estimated at around 30.2 million for 2022–23 (as per official Census projections from the National Commission on Population), compared to 25,351,462 in the 2011 Census. Roughly one-fifth of the population belongs to Scheduled Castes (SCs). In recent years, these communities have been administratively divided into two categories: Other Scheduled Castes (OSC) and Deprived Scheduled Castes (DSC).

The DSC category includes 36 communities, such as Valmiki (Balmiki), Bazigar, Sansi, Deha, Dhanak, and Sapera. The OSC category includes communities such as Chamar, Jatav, and Ravidassia. These two categories now have separate reservations in government jobs and educational institutions in Haryana (with the 20% SC quota divided equally between DSC and OSC).

A closer look at the 2024 Haryana Assembly elections highlights the political significance of these caste divisions. The BJP secured 39.94% of the vote, while the Congress obtained 39.09%, a very narrow margin of only 0.85%. Despite this close vote share, the BJP won 48 seats, the Congress secured 37, and the Indian National Lok Dal (INLD) managed to win only two seats.

Many political observers argue that DSC voters played a crucial role in the BJP’s electoral victory. Among the DSC communities, the Valmiki (Balmiki) community forms a major segment.

However, during the 2024 general elections, both major political alliances—the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) led by the BJP and the INDIA Alliance led by the Congress—largely ignored DSC candidates in parliamentary representation. Haryana has two Lok Sabha seats reserved for Scheduled Castes: Ambala and Sirsa.

On both seats, the major parties fielded candidates from the Chamar community (OSC). In Ambala, the BJP nominated Banto Kataria, while the Congress nominated Varun Chaudhary. In Sirsa, the BJP fielded Ashok Tanwar, while the Congress nominated Kumari Selja. As a result, DSC communities were largely ignored in parliamentary representation.

A similar pattern can also be seen in the current Rajya Sabha nominations. Although the present Haryana government includes Krishan Bedi, a cabinet minister from the Balmiki community, the DSC category consists of several other castes as well. For instance, the Dhanak community has made significant progress in government employment and education. The BJP could have nominated a candidate from the Dhanak community to broaden its appeal among DSC voters and provide greater representation to these communities.

Similarly, the Congress already has two MPs from the Chamar community in Haryana. By nominating a strong candidate from the DSC community, the party could have achieved three strategic goals: first, challenging the BJP’s established leadership among DSC voters; second, attracting DSC support towards the Congress; and third, countering the narrative among Deprived Scheduled Castes that for the Congress, “Dalit” representation largely means the Chamar community.

From a numerical perspective, the outcome of the Rajya Sabha election appears relatively straightforward. The Haryana Assembly has 90 valid votes as each MLA’s vote value is equal, and the winning quota is 31. With 48 MLAs, the BJP has enough votes to secure one seat comfortably, while the Congress, with 37 MLAs, is also in a strong position to elect its candidate. Therefore, both Sanjay Bhatia and Karamvir Singh Baudh are expected to win their seats. However, the independent candidate Satish Nandal remains optimistic and is reportedly hoping for cross-voting by MLAs. Although this possibility remains uncertain, it adds an element of suspense to the election.

What makes this election particularly noteworthy is that the Congress candidate comes from the Dalit community, which introduces a new dimension to the caste dynamics of Haryana politics. Yet, the DSC communities of Haryana may continue to remain politically marginalised until the next general election. Who will raise their issues in Parliament? Who will represent their concerns and aspirations? Who will fight for their rights and development? These questions I leave to the readers, policymakers, and political parties.