On January 30th, 2023, the entry of Dalits into the Shri Mutharamman temple during a religious festival in Thenumudinayur village, Thiruvennamalai district, was opposed by upper-caste individuals. To ensure the safe entry of Dalits, 200 police personnel were deployed in the area. Thenumudinayur has a total of 1700 families, with 500 belonging to the Dalit community and the rest from various castes. Traditionally, rituals are conducted by 12 communities during the Pongal festival, and Dalit entry is prohibited during this period. However, the Dalits opposed this practice, and it was eventually abolished. The Dalit struggles in Thenmudiyar have evoked memories of the Vaikom Satyagraha that occurred a century ago.
Periyar's words, "They argue that roads will become impure if the untouchables pass through the roads leading to the temple. I want to ask him whether Vaikom's deity or Brahmins are defiled by the mere presence of untouchables. If they believe that the god of Vaikom will become impure, then he cannot be a god. It is just a stone, which can only be used to wash dirty clothes," are worth considering in light of the Thenumudinayur satyagraha.
The Vaikom Satyagraha of 1924-25 stands out as the foremost movement that played a pivotal role in challenging the prevalent caste-based prejudices and discrimination in modern India. Since then, other satyagrahas and movements have emerged, and continue to thrive even today. The Vaikom Satyagraha was a nonviolent movement initiated to secure the fundamental right to walk on public roads. The Vaikom Satyagraha, which lasted for around three months, commenced on 31st March 1924.
In several states that came under the Madras Presidency, including the Travancore state, the Dalits and Shudras were deprived of the basic freedom to walk on public roads due to the entrenched practice of untouchability. This had triggered widespread resentment among the public. Responding to the non-Brahmin community's demands, the Travancore government promulgated an ordinance in 1865, granting all the state's citizens the right to move freely in public places. Consequently, all roads in the state were made accessible to everyone. However, the Brahmins and members of the royal family vehemently opposed this order. In spite of their resistance, the government issued another order in 1884, reaffirming the previous directive and ensuring unrestricted access to roads for all citizens. The Brahmins challenged this order in the High Court of Travancore, citing it as an infringement on their religious affairs. This order sparked a fierce backlash among the untouchables, who felt that their voices were being silenced.
In the town of Vaikom, located in the princely state of Travancore, there stood an old temple dedicated to Mahadev. However, untouchables were prohibited from entering it, and the streets surrounding the temple were exclusively reserved for Brahmins and members of the royal family. This segregation had been a long-standing issue, with a failed attempt by two hundred youths of the Irava caste to enter the temple in 1805-06.
Eventually, the temple administrators caught wind of the growing movement and approached the cruel and feudal Dewan Velu Thampi, who promised to take the necessary steps to suppress it.
Despite the opposition, the movement continued to gain momentum, with plans to enter the temple through the eastern door. However, Thampi devised an elaborate plan to thwart the agitators. He stationed dozens of armed men, led by his trusted Nair caste associates Kunju Kutruti Pillai and Vaikom Papnava Pillai, near the pond called "Dalvakulam," which was 150 meters away from the temple.
It was a tradition for devotees to bathe in Dalvakulam before visiting the Vaikom temple. As the Irava youths began their peaceful march towards the temple, they were attacked by Kunju Kutri Pillai's soldiers, resulting in the death of dozens of unarmed agitators and injury to many others. The dead bodies were thrown into the pond, which became known as the "Dalvakulam Massacre," recorded as a black chapter in the history of Kerala.
In the first decade of the twentieth century, Malayali poet, thinker and social reformer Kumaran Ashan, along with Kochu Kunjan Sannar and Kunju Pannikar, demanded the right to walk on public roads for the untouchables. The three of them themselves belonged to the Irava community. The concerned authorities had rejected their demand citing a religious matter. In 1920-21, Ashan again raised the matter in the Travancore Legislature. This time he had some success. Ashan was assured that some of the restricted routes would be opened to the untouchables, but for a long time that remained only an assurance. Along with this, the movement of Iravas for the freedom to walk on public roads continued.
Narayana Guru is one of the most revered social reformers of South India. He belonged to the Ezhava caste. Once he was passing by the temple in a car with his disciples. He was accompanied by many Dalit-backward leaders, including Mahakavi and social reformer Kumaran Ashan, Suddenly some upper-caste goons appeared in front of his car. They were led by a Brahmin. The miscreants forced Narayana Guru's car to move from there.
The next struggle for the emancipation of untouchables' right to walk on public roads commenced at the instance of T.K. Madhavan, a lawyer by profession, and a member of the Ezhava community. One day, while going to court within the Maharaja's compound, he had to face the ire of the Brahmins. They demanded him to take a long detour of 1.5 kilometers instead of going through the route, which would make him late for the case. Being late could have had adverse consequences for his client. Despite his appeals, the Brahmins refused to budge, which infuriated Madhavan and other non-Brahmin leaders.
George Joseph, a prominent Congress leader and editor of "Deshabhimani," K. P. Keshav Menon, editor of "Matrubhoomi," and several other leaders announced their intention to launch a movement for the right to walk on public roads. In a bid to seek Gandhi's support, the notice of the proposed movement was sent to him on 12 March 1924. Gandhi, in his characteristic fashion, allowed them to proceed with the protest in a non-violent manner.
Following Gandhi's approval, the movement was initiated on 31 March 1924. However, the adversaries were equally active and instigated the king. Consequently, several prominent leaders involved in the movement were taken into custody a few days after its inception. Among the arrested leaders were George Joseph, T. K. Madhavan, and Keshav Menon.
Upon the arrest of the senior leaders, the agitators realized that it would be challenging to continue the movement successfully without effective leadership. They appealed for cooperation from Congress leaders in the nearby Madras Presidency. However, the Congress leadership was dominated by Brahmins, who appeared disinterested in the movement.
Periyar's arrival had a significant impact on the Vaikom movement. He organized public meetings, rallied support, and urged people to join the movement. He also actively worked towards building a broader coalition that included people from all castes and religions. In his speeches, Periyar emphasized the need for social and political equality and the importance of fighting against caste-based discrimination.
Periyar's involvement in the Vaikom movement also had a significant impact on the Congress leadership in Madras Presidency. It forced them to take notice of the movement and provide support. The Congress leaders in Madras Presidency, who were initially indifferent to the movement, started expressing their solidarity with the agitators. This was a significant development, as Congress was the dominant political force in the region at the time.
The Vaikom movement continued to gain momentum under Periyar's leadership, and the pressure on the Maharaja of Travancore to lift the ban on untouchables increased. After several rounds of negotiations and protests, the Maharaja finally issued a proclamation on 30 November 1925, allowing untouchables to use the roads around the temple. The proclamation was a significant victory for the Vaikom movement and a major step towards breaking down caste-based discrimination in Kerala.
Soon the people thronged the place, overcrowding the pandals. Periyar's speech had irked the Brahmins and their leaders. The government was in shock. The result was that he was arrested on the sixth day of the movement. Sentenced to one month jail. As soon as he was released from jail in Arivikkuttu's after completing his sentence, a warrant was issued in his name, which had an order to leave the Travancore state immediately. Periyar remained undaunted. He decided to stay there until the end of the movement.
The protestors were getting support from all over the world. People were becoming a part of satyagraha with open mind. The agitating Dalits were also getting support from people of other religions like the Sikhs, Christians. More than two hundred Sikh volunteers were doing the work of arranging food for the satyagrahis. Gandhi himself was involved in the movement. But he was against the interference of other religions, considering it an internal matter of Hindus. By writing an article in "Young India", he urged non-Hindus to leave the protest site.
Gandhi also wanted to keep Periyar away from the Vaikom Satyagraha. Congress was under Gandhi's influence, but Periyar's decision was unwavering. He was ready to bring himself out of the shadow of Gandhi and Congress. The movement began to progress rapidly. Despite his release from jail, Periyar's enthusiasm and support remained the same. Nor was there any change in his speeches. It was like a challenge to power. This time he was sentenced to six months in prison for provocative speeches and disobeying government orders to quit Vaikom.
Eventually Gandhi too had to come to the support of the Vaikom satyagrahis. He wrote, in Young India, “If the Brahmins do not give freedom to the untouchables to walk on the streets, this movement will become intense day by day." The agitators who are struggling for freedom to walk on the streets will also start demanding freedom to enter temples.
Meanwhile, at Vaikom when Periyar was arrested during the agitation, his wife Nagammal and sister took over. the king of Travancore died, when the second time he was in prison, The power of the state came into the hands of the queen. Afraid of the accidental death of the king, the queen wanted to end the Viakom agitation by hook and by crook. On her orders, Periyar was released two months before the completion of his sentence. The Diwan approached Gandhi at the behest of the queen. Gandhi reached Madras, where he had a conversation with Periyar. Finally, the government restored the freedom of Dalits to walk on the streets. The Vaikom Satyagraha proved that every great change is brought about by struggle. Especially the fight for rights is not possible without struggle and solidarity.
Professor Dilip C. Mandal has raised the question of whether the Vaikom Satyagraha achieved all its goals, with a nuanced response of both "yes" and "no." While it may be argued that due to the impact of numerous movements like this, untouchability in temples has largely ended, with very few prominent temples still barring entry to Hindus, it is worth noting that there are some restrictions for entry into the inner sanctum. Nonetheless, if the larger objective of the Vaikom movement was to promote equality and particularly, equality of opportunities, it can be argued that this aim has yet to be fully accomplished.
Mandal further opines that it may be more prudent for Hindus to shift their focus away from the temple entry movement for depressed castes, and instead concentrate their efforts on accessing positions of power and wealth, where these castes are either underrepresented or absent altogether.
One of the central issues with temple entry movements, such as Vaikom, is their narrow focus on gaining access to the temples for prayer. Little attention has been paid to other fundamental issues, such as caste representation in temple management and the priesthood. These concerns were not even considered during the 1924-25 movement. The focus was solely on temple entry rights.
If we truly desire equality, then the demand for participation in temple committees and trusts, the right to become a priest, and other related issues must be given more attention. Otherwise, temple entry will be limited to superficial offerings of daan-dakshina. Even now, complete elimination of discrimination in temples remains an elusive goal. In particular, the entrenched societal reluctance to deviate from traditional practices continues to impede progress. This is evident in the ongoing controversy over the appointment of priests in the Sabarimala temple.
The Tamil Nadu government has undertaken revolutionary work in the direction of social reform. The state has initiated the task of appointing priests from all castes and even women in temples, where the government has a significant role to play. Regular study and examinations have been made mandatory for becoming a priest, thus democratizing the temple system. Although initially opposed, this move has garnered support from all parties and groups.
Religion plays a crucial role in human life and is essential for many. However, diversity is equally crucial in areas such as corporate, art, culture, film, and higher judiciary, where access for disadvantaged castes is desperately needed. These new temples of power require diversity to become democratic. While the issues with temples have not yet been fully resolved, I contend that underprivileged castes should intensify their efforts to diversify centers of economic and knowledge power, in addition to religious power, to promote democratic institutions.
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